|  | FIG PUBLICATION NO. 24Women’s 
	Access to Land – FIG GuidelinesPrinciples for Equitable Gender Inclusion in Land 
	Administration:Background Report and Guidelines
 TABLE OF CONTENTSPreface Executive Summary  1.  Introduction 1.1  Why 
	should surveyors be concerned?1.2  Scope and outline of 
	report
 2.  
	What is Access to Land and Why is it Important? 2.1  Access 
	to land and its resources  3.  
	Why is Gender an Issue in Land Reform and Land Administration Reform? 3.1  Documenting 
	customary tenure3.2  Changing 
	cultural and religious beliefs
 3.3  Gender targeted 
	development projects
 4. A Summary 
	of the Major Concerns 5.  
	Monitoring and Evaluating the Land Situation of Women 6.  
	The Role of International, National, and Non-Governmental Organizations 7.  
	With the Help of Surveyors – Recommended Guidelines for Surveyors in Land 
	Administration Projects 7.1  
	Land administration procedures should accommodate all segments of the 
	population7.2  Removing 
	barriers to access to information
 7.3  
	Increasing awareness about the obstacles hindering women’s participation
 7.4  Working with 
	the local customary community
 8.  Conclusion References Orders of the printed copies 
 This report was commissioned by the International 
	Federation of Surveyors (FIG) through the Swedish International Development 
	Agency (Sida) and Swedesurvey AB to develop a set of guidelines for ensuring 
	that land reform and land administration projects in developing countries 
	and countries in transition are gender inclusive. These guidelines are not 
	relevant only for projects but to any land administration organisation. The 
	work is based on research conducted at the University of New Brunswick and 
	on experience in a number of development projects in Africa, Eastern Europe, 
	and Central Asia. It is a also a further extension of research conducted by 
	UNCHS and Sida for Habitat II in Istanbul and by the United Nations Food and 
	Agricultural Organization (FAO). This report is adopted by FIG Commission 7 (Cadastre and 
	Land Management) and its Working Group Women’s Access to Land. Although 
	Commission 7 focus in more in the rural areas this report and its guidelines 
	can also be used in land management projects and land administration 
	organisations in all human settlements. The guidelines presented for surveyors have been endorsed 
	by the FIG General Assembly in Seoul, Korea in May 2001. On behalf of FIG we would like to express our special 
	thanks to Katalin Komjathy and Dr. Susan E Nichols for their 
	great work with this report as well as to Agneta Ericsson as the 
	Chair of the Commission 7 task force on Women’s Access to Land and the 
	members of her task force. Further we express our thanks to Sida and 
	Swedesurvey for their financial support in producing this report. Robert W. Foster President of FIG Chairperson
 Dr. Paul Munro-FaureFIG Commission 7 – Cadastre and Land Management
 
 Women’s 
	Access to Land – FIG GuidelinesPrinciples for Equitable Gender Inclusion in Land 
	Administration:Background Report and Guidelines
Katalin Komjathy and Susan E. NicholsDepartment of Geodesy and Geomatics Engineering
 University of New Brunswick
 Fredericton, NB, E3B 5A3
 Canada
 The FIG Working Group on Women’s Access to Land FIG Commission 7 – Cadastre and Land Administration Swedesurvey AB, Gävle, Sweden The International Federation of Surveyors FIG 
 Land development and administration projects and programmes, 
	as well as other land-related activities, are expected to positively 
	influence the socio-economic and physical environment of societies. Yet 
	sometimes good intentions are not enough and sometimes interventions 
	actually cause harm for particular groups. One such group that is sometimes 
	at risk in land titling projects, housing and urban development projects, 
	and agricultural improvement programmes are women. For example, implementing 
	an irrigation project on marginal land that has been traditionally used by 
	women may lead to repossession of this improved land by the men of the 
	community. Issuing certificates of title to the de jure
    head of household (usually men) may deprive the de facto heads of 
	household (increasingly women) from benefiting from a land administration 
	process. The purpose of this document is to: 
      
        provide background information to surveyors and other 
		land professionals on why gender issues matter in development projects;
        to provide draft guidelines to assist development 
		project managers, surveyors, land administration agencies, and others in 
		ensuring that land administration enhances and protects the rights of 
		all stakeholders, including women. Why Gender Matters in Land Administration, Development, 
	and Management There are a number of factors that have raised the need for 
	more equitable gender inclusion in land-related activities, including the 
	following: 
      
        Many societies have protected the interests of women 
		through customary law, religious law, and legislation. However, as 
		societies change through for example, labour migration, divorce, 
		education, and urban growth, the old rules are not always enough to 
		ensure that women have access to the land, shelter, credit and other 
		resources they require to raise children and care for other family 
		members.
        Where pressure on land is intense, through for example, 
		environmental degradation or urban sprawl, women are often relegated to 
		the less profitable tracts of land. Yet woman in developing countries 
		are responsible for up to 80 or 90% of rural agricultural production.
        Women's rights in land are often different than those of 
		men in traditional societies and "western" land titling approaches 
		cannot always protect these partial and use rights. For example, they 
		may have limited rights to gather firewood, to harvest fruit, or to 
		return to family land in the future. How can certificates of title 
		capture (and thus protect) these interests during privatization and/or 
		legalization programmes?
        There are equity and human rights issues at stake. And 
		even if there were not, women’s access to land should be protected 
		because women are often the most productive, yet the most needy, segment 
		of society with respect to land. Without specific attention to gender inclusiveness, an 
	important segment of society will excluded from the benefits of land 
	administration, management, and development schemes. How The Processes Can be Improved This report points out that one of the main ways to maintain 
	or enhance equitable gender inclusion in land-related activities is to first 
	understand more about the complex and dynamic nature of many tenure systems. 
	Land administration projects and programmes targeting equitable gender 
	inclusion also need to include evaluating and monitoring components. The 
	indicators assessing the quality and quantity of access to land and housing 
	before, during, and after an intervention are essential to make informed 
	decisions about forthcoming actions. In land-related projects, the number of registered titles or 
	the number of certificates handed out is too often the only "measure" of who 
	holds what rights in land. These do not always capture the lesser 
	traditional rights that are most often held by women. Nor do they 
	necessarily refer to the de facto head of household and decision 
	maker or to the "unmarried partner". Legislation may exist and may even have 
	provisions for protecting women in cases of inheritance or divorce. However, 
	what real access do many poor women have to legal assistance and procedures, 
	especially if they are acting against traditional family or community 
	interests? This report therefore begins a process of documenting some 
	of the indicators that may better represent the quality and quantity of 
	rights of access to land and natural resources. These include for example: 
      
        Access to the local customary decision-making bodies and 
		their theoretical and real roles in these bodies;
        Social status in the community based on access to land;
        Role in decision making;
        Participation in formal and informal land transactions 
		and housing markets (and the types of transactions);
        Income sources for men and women;
        Percentage of population by gender depending on 
		agriculture for their livelihood;
        Share in formal and informal agricultural labour;
        Proportion of food produced directly by women;
        Percentage of people by gender living in rural and urban 
		areas. Draft Guidelines for Equitable Gender Inclusion The guidelines developed in this report are arranged around 
	four major objectives: 
      
        Establishing land administration procedures that 
		accommodate all segments of the population;
        Removing barriers women face while they seek information 
		regarding their rights and responsibilities associated with land and 
		housing;
        Broadening practitioners’ understanding and appreciation 
		of the circumstances that limit women’s participation in land related 
		matters, and the importance of finding alternative means to include 
		women in those decisions; and
        Working with the local customary community. These guiding principles are directed towards project 
	managers in international and national development activities, towards 
	surveyors in general, and towards land administration agencies in all 
	countries. In no way are the guidelines presented here exhaustive. The 
	FIG Working Group on Women’s Access to land therefore welcomes comments and 
	additions to this work. 
 Principles for Equitable Gender Inclusion in 
	Land Administration:Background Report and Guidelines
Katalin Komjathy and Susan E. Nichols
  
 Land and housing are central issues in developing economies. 
How land tenure issues are addressed in development projects can directly impact 
the livelihood and security of people in urban, peri-urban, and rural settings. 
Failing to address the land and shelter rights of all stakeholders in a land 
development project or programme can cause unexpected problems and inequities, 
and often for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged members of society. Whether due to tradition, law, education, or economics, women 
are sometimes at risk in land development projects, even if it is intended that 
they share the benefits. For example, improving irrigation on women’s fields may 
have the unintended effect of having these now valuable fields reclaimed by men 
in the community. Enhancing housing in a community or peri-urban area may have 
similar unintended results when the units become more marketable. Professionals, 
such as surveyors, who are involved with land and housing projects therefore 
need to be aware of gender issues and need to ensure that the real objectives of 
the projects are truly met. The purpose of this document is twofold: 
      
        to provide background information to surveyors and other 
		land professionals on why gender issues matter in development projects;
        to provide guidelines to assist development project 
		managers, surveyors, land administration agencies, and others in 
		ensuring that land administration enhances and protects the rights of 
		all stakeholders, including women. This report was commissioned by the International Federation 
of Surveyors (FIG) through the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida) 
and Swedesurvey AB to develop a set of guidelines for ensuring that land reform 
and land administration projects in developing countries and countries in 
transition are gender inclusive. The work is based on research conducted at the 
University of New Brunswick and on experience in a number of development 
projects. It is a further extension of initial work conducted by UNCHS and Sida 
for Habitat II in Istanbul and by the United Nations Food and Agricultural 
Organization (FAO). Access to land affects nearly all areas of policy 
development. For example, it has direct relationships to agricultural production 
and ensuring long term food security. It is a basic component of achieving 
sustainable development. Access to land is also a means by which resources and 
benefits of those resources are distributed within society, whether they be 
adequate shelter, municipal services, or decision-making powers. Finally, but 
not least of all, equitable access to land is a human rights issue and as the UN 
Economic and Social Council Commission on the Status of Women states, "land 
rights discrimination is a violation of human rights". The dramatic demographic, economic and social changes 
affecting urban and rural communities in emerging economies often marginalise 
those who are ill-equipped to cope with these shifts. Whether the issue is urban 
migration for employment, the decreasing role of men in the community due to 
labour opportunities elsewhere, or the need to readjust household relations to 
accommodate the elderly, the orphaned, and the sick, people need to be able to 
access land and shelter efficiently and equitably. As nontraditional family 
arrangements emerge, and as rural lands become engulfed in the urban fringe, the 
greatest risks are increasingly to the well-being of the poor, the elderly, 
women, and children. Political conflicts, environmental degradation, disease, 
and population growth accelerate the stress on land resources. As Crowley [2001] 
points out in a recent article in The Economist: 
  
    | 
        
          There is an enormous case for investing in women…women are an 
		  underused resource. And the fact that in many places they have no 
		  access to credit hampers rural development.
 |  According to the Second United Nations Conference on Human 
Settlements (Habitat II), it is the city that is attracting investment as well 
as people, and this trend will continue to accelerate in the future. Friedmann 
estimates that in a worldwide scale 30-40 percent of urban populations are 
female-maintained. That number can be expected to be larger in many developing 
countries where more people may comprise "a household. Yet, how many housing and 
urban development projects are targeted to the specific needs of women and their 
dependents? The 1996 World Food Summit held in Rome pointed out that if 
we are to meet the basic food needs of the projected world population as well as 
eradicate hunger afflicting an estimated 800 million food-deficit people, we 
must have more and better food production and distribution. Recent work by UN 
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has found that indeed it is not uncommon 
to find that de facto female headed households form a substantial 
proportion (25 percent or more, and sometimes a majority) of the total rural 
households in certain rural areas. Although the percentage of women engaged in 
agricultural activities varies from community to community, it is estimated that 
it can be as high as 90 percent in some areas. Globally women comprise 40 
percent or more of the agricultural workforce. It has been long acknowledged 
that providing food for the family is primarily the responsibility of women. Yet 
women’s direct access to land resources, credit, and shelter can be put at risk 
in programmes such as land titling, formalization of property rights, and even 
housing or road improvements. The need for a revised land tenure policy framework that 
explicitly addresses women’s access to land is also underscored by the Women’s 
Summit findings that in most of today’s societies women have very unequal access 
to, and control over land, housing associated resources, and basic 
infrastructure. Surveyors and other land professionals, who help to establish 
how land rights are allocated, adjudicated, and protected, need to be more aware 
that gender inclusive land policies and land institutions are critical. A first 
step in this direction is understanding the complexities behind a simple term 
such as "access to land". If there is a common variable in all the information 
accumulated, it is the complexity of the issues involved. We cannot recommend a 
general outline that will fit all circumstances in the international development 
field. The intention here is to raise awareness of some of the most critical 
issues that threaten women’s access to benefits from land and emphasize the 
importance of developing a better understanding of the situation for urban and 
rural women in specific societies. We begin with a working definition of what access to land and 
security of title mean to women and men and their importance in rural and urban 
settings. How recent changes have been affecting the relationship between women 
and land are examined together with what are (and can be) the outcomes with and 
without appropriate actions. A summary of key indicators that can be used by 
surveyors, project managers, and others to evaluate and monitor women’s access 
to land is presented in Part 5. The report then outlines recommended guidelines 
for land administration projects, first from the perspective of national and 
international organizations. More detailed principles are then presented to the 
surveying community for discussion and improvement within the FIG. Throughout history, land has been recognized as a primary 
source of wealth, social status, and power. It is the basis for shelter, food, 
and economic activities; it is the most significant provider of employment 
opportunities in rural areas and is an increasingly scarce resource in urban 
areas. Access to water and other resources, as well as to basic services such as 
sanitation and electricity, is often conditioned by access to and holding rights 
in a unit of land. The willingness and ability to make long term investments in 
housing and in arable land is directly dependent on the protection society 
affords the rights holders. Thus, any concept of sustainable development relies 
heavily on both access to property rights and the security of those rights. Land also has great cultural, religious, and legal 
significance. There is a strong correlation in many societies between 
decision-making powers and the quantity and quality of land rights one holds. In 
rural areas social inclusion or exclusion often depend solely on the 
individual’s land holding status. Even in urban areas, the right to participate 
in municipal planning, in community decisions, and sometimes elections, can 
depend on the status of an individual as a "resident" or "home owner". Access is the right or opportunity to use, manage, or control 
land and its resources. It includes the ability to reach and make use of the 
resource. When describing access to land, we can distinguish between 
quantitative parameters (such as the nature of tenure, the size of the parcel 
and its economic value) and qualitative parameters (for example, legal security, 
and documented, or registered evidence of rights to land). These parameters play 
an important role in "measuring" access to land before, during and after 
development projects. In societies following customary rules, women’s direct access 
to land through purchase or inheritance is often limited. Since women are the 
major producers of household food supply there are usually customary provisions 
for indirect access to land in terms of use rights as community members, wives, 
mothers, sisters, or daughters. These use rights, however, do not grant enough 
security for women when traditional family structures dissolve. The economic and 
social well-being of women and their children are at increased risk when women 
face widowhood and divorce, or when the male head of household does not or 
cannot exercise his traditional responsibilities to his family. In many communities, access to resources is governed by both 
written and customary laws. In instances when conflicts exist between 
traditional norms and national laws, as is often the case when women’s rights 
are considered, local norms generally prevail and are enforced by community 
members. Written national laws granting women equal access to productive 
resources are essential but for these rights to be legitimate and adhered to, it 
is necessary to secure the support of the local community. Thus "having a law" 
does not necessarily mean that women have equitable recourse to remedies should 
the law be broken. Equitable access to land does not only mean the quantity of 
rights allocated. To make use of the rights and opportunities, access to land 
must also be enforceable or secure (for example, against seizure by force or by 
law). Equitable access must also be effective, i.e., by including equitable 
access to other resources such as irrigation, roads or finance. The support of 
legal, customary and family institutions are fundamental if women’s access to 
land is to be preserved and improved. 
      
        | 
 |  Figure 1. Institutions that Affect Women’s Access to Land 
	and Housing Rights The body of evidence stressing that outcomes of land 
	reform and land administration programmes and projects have different 
	implications for men and women has grown significantly in recent years. 
	Traditionally, the involvement of men in such programs was viewed as 
	sufficient and it was assumed that women and children would equally enjoy 
	the benefits of the projects as dependents. As poverty and landlessness 
	continues to expand and "feminization" of poverty becomes more apparent, 
	development organizations and practitioners have had to seek a new direction 
	to tackle these problems. Furthermore, as social, political and economical 
	changes continue to undermine women’s ability to secure adequate housing, 
	fulfill the food requirement of the household and use land in a sustainable 
	manner, development projects have begun observing women’s priorities and 
	concerns as separate issues. The timeliness of this new vision is underscored by some 
	experience from the past. As Rocheleau and Edmunds [1997] comment: 
      
        | Women who enjoy access to a variety of tree, forest and rangeland 
		resources across the rural landscape may find their access restricted 
		after formal land titling or land tenure reforms have invested greater 
		powers of exclusion in land owners, whether male or female. Even where 
		formal title is given jointly to a husband and wife, a woman may lose 
		decision-making authority over her former domains on and off farm as the 
		household ‘heads’ take on the full and exclusive responsibility for the 
		management of household land and all the plants and animals upon it. |  Another example is given by Lastarria-Cornhiel [1997]. 
      
        | Among the Mandinka (…) of Gambia both common and individual property 
		rights are recognized: family-cleared land designated maruo
          collectively farmed by the family but under the control of the male 
		household head; and individually cleared land designated 
		kamanyango
          which if cleared by a woman gives her access to land with partial 
		autonomy, controlling the profits and able to transfer land to 
		daughters. In the late 1940s and early 1950s women sought to establish
          kamanyango rights of new rice lands by clearing former 
		mangrove swamps. In 1984, the Jahaly Pacharr irrigation project, 
		designed to increase productivity of the rice paddies by enabling 
		year-round cultivation, recognizing that women were the key farmers on 
		this land, sought to title the land to women. Household heads (generally 
		male) registered the land in women’s names but then designated it as 
		maruo land. |  The "Toolkit on Gender in Agriculture", prepared by the World Bank 
	includes the following observation: 
      
        | Land title and tenure tend to be vested in men, either by legal 
		condition or by sociocultural norms. Land reform and resettlement have 
		tended to reinforce this bias against tenure for women. Land shortage is 
		common among women. Compared to men, women farm smaller and more 
		dispersed plots and are less likely to hold title, secure tenure, or the 
		same rights to use, improve or dispose of land. |  Researchers put women’s land ownership between 1 and 2 
	percent on a world-wide scale, while they report that women comprise 10-90 
	percent of the agricultural labour force. The percentage of population 
	living in households that can be considered de facto or de jure
    female-headed household is on the rise. Women produce most of the 
	household’s food supply and their contribution to the overall food 
	production is also significant, exceeding 50 percent in African nations of 
	the Sub-Saharan region. The following subsections further demonstrate how 
	difficult it can be to protect or enhance women’s access to land and its 
	benefits. In several African countries (e.g., Zimbabwe, Uganda, 
	Malawi) there have been recent discussions and proposals to document or 
	register customary rights in land as part of the development of national 
	land policies. The arguments for these certificates of customary tenure and 
	for registration are that the processes will: 
      provide greater security of tenure on customary lands;provide a document that can be used as collateral for credit;provide more information for planning and land management. Despite the merits or limitations of the processes, there 
	could be significant impacts on women’s access to land. The major difficulty 
	is the fact that such documentation effectively freezes customary rules that 
	are in place at the time. No account is made, for example, of such future 
	rights as the right of a woman to return home and receive a parcel of family 
	land after a divorce. Limited rights such as the right to pick fruit or 
	gather wood on another’s property may be eliminated by the documentation. 
	And then there is the question of whose name(s) the certificates or 
	registers will record. For example, will the name be the
    de facto head of household, who may be a woman whose husband works away 
	from home, or the de jure head of household according to customary 
	law; there are limitations with both of these approaches, including the 
	problem of whether the documents have priority over customary law in cases 
	of inheritance when both names are recorded. Traditional laws and religious laws often protected women 
	and provided for wives, widows, and female children through other means 
	than, for instance, equal land shares on inheritance. In Islamic law, for 
	example, girls may receive 1/2 the land that sons receive on the death of 
	their father. This is in effect their dowry to bring to a marriage. The sons 
	on the other hand have the responsibility to provide for unmarried sisters 
	and their mother and in theory require more land. Other cultures have had 
	similar traditional laws. The difficulty today is that traditional societies and 
	religious based communities are not immune to the influence and social 
	changes around them. Education of women and greater opportunities for 
	employment and self-sufficiency are affecting many traditional communities. 
	Divorce, desertion, and urban migration may also challenge the traditional 
	safety nets. And the devastation of aids and war have fragmented the 
	extended and traditional family arrangements. At the same time, in the midst 
	of obvious need for changes, who has the right to demand they be made or to 
	force another community to adopt its values? This certainly raises ethical 
	dilemmas for the professional. International aid organizations have been targeting women 
	for special assistance for decades. More recently protection and enhancement 
	of women’s rights to land has become a focus for some land reform projects. 
	One of the difficulties is that these projects often enhance the value of 
	the land. So, for example, women may have had parcels of marginal land in 
	the community to raise personal crops. After a land development project, 
	this land has received irrigation and a new road is built. The value of the 
	land is thus enhanced. Will local authorities allow these women to maintain 
	their land rights after the project is over? Experience in, for example, 
	housing projects have shown that making improvements may lead to the loss of 
	the right to use a house allocated to a woman on communally owned land. The objective of this discussion is not to discourage 
	action. Instead it was to demonstrate that making changes does not always 
	result in the benefits originally intended. The situation is complex. An FAO study identified the following factors as the 
	major causes of poverty and hunger among rural women and their families:women’s lack of access and control over productive resources and 
	services
    rural women are seriously over- and underemployed
    persistent inequalities between men and women considering employment 
	opportunities and compensation
    exclusion of women and the poor from decision- and policy-making
    legal environments that favours men’s rights over women’s rights There are many new pressures affecting traditional 
	arrangements related to women and land that need to be understood and 
	resolved at the family, community, and national levels. To summarise, some 
	of the greatest pressures include: 
      changing socio-economic conditions, such as increased population, new 
	  types of employment and the growing cash economies;urban and peri-urban migration; incorporation and/or replacement of 
	  traditional tribal and religious institutions by national and local 
	  government structures;divorce and changes in inheritance patterns;the resulting role of women as sole household provider. Kalabamu and Njoh express concern over the constraints urban women face 
	in their attempt to secure acceptable housing. Among the primary impediments 
	are: 
      obtaining title that enables formal land registration is unmanageable 
	  for the poor, most of whom are women, due to cost and time requirements;dealing with bureaucracy and providing documentation and information 
	  when going through official channels is also time-consuming and requires 
	  education;discriminating land use regulations negatively affect women’s income 
	  generating activities and their safety. 
      
        | Certificates of Rights (CORs) were introduced [in Botswana] … to 
		‘provide the urban poor with secure [land tenure while avoiding 
		involvement in the complexities and costs of title registration’. …Under 
		the COR, the state retains the ultimate title ownership (…) while 
		plot-holder rights are usufruct for the sole purpose of erecting an 
		owner-occupied residential house. … Because of their relative poverty, 
		most women opted for land under Certificate of Rights. Because of their 
		rights are not registerable, most women cannot mortgage their rights to 
		obtain loans from financial institutions (…). Worst still, they may not 
		legally sub-let part of their units to raise funds. Kalabamu [1998]. |  
      
        | In the specific case of Cameroon, discouraging home-based enterprises 
		through policies that strive to segregate land use activities has meant 
		for example, that women dealing in ready-to eat food must travel long 
		distances to organized market places or other activity centres such as 
		those offering formal employment in order to market their products. 
		Njoh [1998]. |  Having some measurement system for evaluating access to 
	land is essential if the ‘success’ or ‘failure’ of a particular program, 
	policy, or project is to be determined. There needs to be a set of 
	indicators that can describe the situation before, during, and after 
	something (e.g., a new law, a titling project) has occurred. Basically this 
	is the same as a deformation survey of a dam – campaigns of measurements at 
	discrete intervals of time to detect movement. The problem in measuring 
	access to land is similar to the problem of determining which points on the 
	dam are critical in detecting movement. These ‘points’ become indicators. Measurement of access to land needs to involve both 
	qualitative and quantitative parameters. Surveyors and other land 
	administrators tend to think primarily of property rights to the surface of 
	the land together with its fixed improvements. The focus becomes the 
	quantity of rights (e.g., leasehold, freehold, easement), the size of the 
	parcel of land, or its economic value. On the other hand, social 
	anthropologists have tended to emphasize the uniqueness of land tenure 
	systems within a given culture and focus on the nature or quality of the 
	rights that may be involved. Both approaches are valid for certain purposes 
	and both have their limitations. If, however, we are to design a way of 
	measuring women’s access to land it may be important to draw on both 
	approaches. One way of examining the quantity of rights is to view 
	the ‘bundle" of rights as a spectrum. At one end of the quantitative 
	spectrum are temporary rights of use. At the other end is absolute control 
	over what can be done with a particular resource, including who else can use 
	the resource and for how long. Somewhere in the middle of the spectrum is 
	the management of the resource where there is more limited decision making 
	power (e.g., the ability to transfer rights and the opportunities to reap 
	the direct and indirect profits from the resource). An English common law 
	freehold estate then might be considered to be at the management level 
	subject to the overall control of the state. A short term leasehold might be 
	considered a temporary use right. Examining the quality of the rights to determine 
	indicators is more complex and only a few examples can be given here. One 
	measure of quality is the legal security of the rights, i.e., how well do 
	formal law (e.g., legislation) or informal law (e.g., traditional or local 
	community rules) protect the ownership of the rights. Thus, for example, 
	inheritance through entail or patrilineal inheritance rules may limit 
	women’s right of management or control. Physical security is another 
	indicator that may be affected, for example, by war or by custom in many 
	countries where land is seized by the male relatives on death of a husband. 
	A third example of quality of rights is transferability. Use rights may 
	often be non-transferable because they are vested in a family or particular 
	family members. Furthermore, transferability may be affected by the quality 
	of the evidence of the right, such as an official document or register. In assessing the quality and quantity of rights, the 
	scope of potential rights of access must be broad. For this reason we have 
	chosen the term "access to land and the benefits of land". Some of these 
	direct and indirect benefits that should be considered in measuring access 
	include: 
      rights to shelter;rights to access water, firewood, fish, or fruit;rights to shares in inheritance on the death of a family member;rights to shares in land and improvements on the death or departure of 
	  a partner in an informal marriage;rights of access to financing and financial inputs;rights to the profits from the use or sale of the resource;social status in the community based on access to land;role in decision-making (e.g., management and control). The next step for project managers, policy makers and 
	others who want to know more about the quantity and quality of access to 
	land, is what specific indicators might be used? These will be important in 
	pre-project assessments and in later monitoring and post-project evaluation. 
	Again only a few samples can be given here. In many land administration projects and programs the 
	conventional approach has been to use documents of land rights or land 
	registry records. This has the advantage of being straight forward and 
	reasonable objective but the limitations are many. Even in western countries 
	title documents and registers only record a limited set of rights and the 
	situation is made more complex in customary societies and less-developed 
	nations where either: 
      few documents or registers exist;they may not be up-to-date or complete;they may not reflect the on-site situation;they often only list one name (de jure head of household)they probably do not reflect the variety of formal and informal rights 
	  that exist through custom and tradition. A second major indicator used to measure access to land 
	is legislation, such as laws for inheritance, divorce, or land use. This 
	however may also be misleading since the formal legislation may not reflect 
	what actually is accepted as practice on the ground. One example are the 
	divorce laws in some socialist states which may recognize equal division of 
	property. How well a woman’s (or man’s) rights might be protected on 
	divorce, especially in impoverished rural regions, will also depend on the 
	degree of access to the courts, ability to finance litigation, and the 
	degree of support provided by the family or community. Similarly calls for 
	equal rights in constitutions can be quite meaningless in the actual 
	practice of local communities. Other indicators include physical occupation or proof of 
	the actual exercise of the rights. Again this has some difficulties in that 
	it may not agree with the formal (legal) status and it may be difficult to 
	observe (especially in a short time span) all of rights in play. Related to 
	these indicators are indicators such as: de facto head of household; 
	primary food provider; community acceptance or agreement of someone’s 
	rights; or the share of financial and labour inputs. Even more difficult to 
	measure objectively and completely are factors such as social status and 
	decision-making power. Tables 1 and 2 present more comprehensive lists of 
	indicators that point to areas when gender disaggregated information might 
	be collected and analyzed. 
      
        | 
            Rights granted by written laws;Rights granted by other laws – customary, informal, 
			secondary, temporary;Security of the aforementioned rights;Implementation and enforcement of rights intended to promote 
			women’s equality;Rights women are free to practice – with or without being 
			granted to them (pressure from family members, religion, culture, 
			etc.);Women’s access to the court system (e.g., in comparison to 
			men);Women’s access to the local customary decision-making bodies 
			and their theoretical and real roles in these bodies;Social status in the community based on access to land;Role in decision making;Percentage of male and female population holding secure and 
			insecure title to land; |  
        | Table 1. Indicators for collecting 
		  gender disaggregated information - Legislation and community rules |    
      
        | 
            Origins of landholdings;Inheritance systems;Women’s participation in formal and informal land 
			transactions (and the types of transactions);Women’s participation in the housing and land markets (where 
			and how often);Bargaining power;Resource allocation within the household;Land use patterns – who uses it for what purpose;Type of infrastructure female and male-headed households have 
			access to;Percentage of women’s landholdings of the total agricultural 
			holdings;Average size of holdings for men and women;Income sources for men and women;Percentage of population depending on agriculture for their 
			livelihood;Percentage of women depending on agriculture for their 
			livelihood;Percentage of population depending on home-based activities 
			for their livelihood;Percentage of women depending on home-based activities for 
			their livelihood;Size and characteristics of female owner occupied houses;Female share of employment in the informal sector;Women’s share in formal and informal agricultural labour;Proportion of food produced directly by women;Proportion of cash-crop produced by women;Traditional land related responsibilities;The number of female headed households – de facto and
              de jure;Percentage of people living in rural and urban areas;Percentage of women living in rural and urban areas;Percentage of arable land, forest;Proportion of individually and communally owned land;Access to hired labor;Access to creditworthy landparcel.   |  
        | Table 2. Indicators for collecting 
		  gender disaggregated information - Socio-economic objectives |  International aid organizations have been targeting women 
	for special assistance for decades. The protection and enhancement of 
	women’s rights to land receives more and more attention in contemporary land 
	reform and privatization projects. In order to assure that project outcomes 
	reflect the initial goals and do not have unintended negative impacts on 
	women, the donor community should take on the following responsibilities: 
      Ensure that mechanisms and institutions are in place for discussions, 
	  conflict resolution and negotiations regarding gender issues.Advocate national policies requiring the revision of those national 
	  laws and policies that impose constraints on women’s land rights.Identify areas in national and customary laws pertinent to women’s 
	  access to and benefits from land and encourage changes to protect women’s 
	  rights to land and its resources.Form independent enforcement procedures and monitor its 
	  implementation.Document violations of women’s rights to land.Promote the involvement of women in policy- and decision making, 
	  aiming towards equal representation of men and women in these bodies.Encourage nations to sign those international declarations that 
	  promote women’s equal status under the law and their equal access to 
	  productive resources.Göler von Ravensburg and Jacobsen [1999] suggest that "Development 
	  cooperation can make it a precondition for any intensification of policy 
	  dialogue that international principles and law regarding women’s land 
	  rights be included into national policy and law, make relevant suggestions 
	  in this regard and monitor whether the respective laws are implemented 
	  such that men and women indeed obtain equal status in all land matters."Collect gender disaggregated data and make them available for the 
	  research community, practitioners, and the public.Urge constitutional recognition of women's rights: such provisions 
	  provide a strong basis for subsequent legislative initiatives or court 
	  interpretations;Assist in the development of modern property laws that recognize the 
	  diversity of family and household arrangements, and acknowledges both 
	  modern and traditionally dominant household patterns.International donor agencies should pledge that gender perspective 
	  will be fully integrated in all future projects and programmes, as it is 
	  required by for example the UNCHS: "… all terms of reference, programme 
	  structures and activities are defined, designed and developed from a 
	  gender perspective."Ensure the participation of women in community and family decisions 
	  about land access and management; in local and national government 
	  structures affecting land allocation and land policy implementation; and 
	  in customary or statutory tribunals that address uncertainties and 
	  disputes with respect to land. The surveying community should not underestimate its role 
	in allocating, adjudicating, protecting, and changing the way in which 
	people hold rights to land. In the past the major impact was the size and 
	shape of land parcels and the general pattern of the parcel fabric. Today, 
	surveyors also have a role in land reform and promoting security of tenure 
	in ensuring that the cadastral systems, laws, and procedures put in place 
	during such reform do not adversely affect the rights of groups and 
	individuals that the reforms were meant to benefit. Learning more on how to approach the gender dimension of 
	such programmes and projects and acquiring the tools necessary to address 
	them are vital for securing a more equitable outcome. The following section 
	discusses some of the measures that should be considered by practitioners 
	working in development of human settlements in both rural and urban 
	environments. The authors are aware that it may not be possible or practical 
	to exhaust all of these measures during a project cycle. Also, collecting 
	gender disaggregated data as well as general information on women and 
	minorities often prove to be a serious challenge. Recently however, there 
	has been a significant, although far from sufficient, increase in the number 
	of sources offering applicable data and information. Although the special focus of this report is on rural 
	development, most recommendations are also applicable in urban development 
	projects.Recognize women as stakeholders.  Zwarteveen [1997] emphasizes the 
	  importance of women's informed participation when individuals' access to 
	  water and land is determined. Their active participation throughout the 
	  program - from research to implementation and post project evaluation - is 
	  key if their interest is to be taken into account. This participation also 
	  has to be in a meaningful way. They have to be informed of their rights 
	  and a support system has to be in place to help them defend those rights. Ensure women's ACTIVE participation in the processes.  This 
	  includes ensuring that women in the community affected and on staff are 
	  involved in the project or policy processes, not as an afterthought, but 
	  from planning, to implementation, and to evaluation of the results. This 
	  is not always an easy process and sensitive ways must be found in some 
	  communities to allow women to share their views and experiences openly, 
	  especially with strangers. Another way in which women in the community or 
	  organization can be encouraged to participate is to provide role models, 
	  such as appointing women as key project members and supporting them.
 Obtain knowledge of the local situation.  For project managers to 
	  know whether women's access to land may be an issue, there is a need for 
	  an adequate pre-project assessment of the situation. The level of detail 
	  and complexity will depend on the local situation and the objectives of 
	  the project. However, if the situation does appear to have issues directly 
	  related to women's rights, then special measures may have to be taken to 
	  understand the potential implications of the project. This can be assisted 
	  by monitoring changes during the project and by obtaining feedback from 
	  women as well as male community leaders before and during the project. 
	  Post-project evaluation (the role of which is too often disregarded or 
	  minimized) is also important for understanding what worked and what did 
	  not and what were the lessons learned.
 Provide opportunities for women's rights to be explicitly recognized.  
	  If a land titling, cadastral surveying, land registration, or information 
	  system project is going to document rights to land, then decisions need to 
	  be made as to: what rights will be included? whose names will be 
	  documented and based on what evidence? and how will these names be kept up 
	  to date? In addition there is a need for the decisions made on these 
	  issues to be acceptable to the recipient community to ensure the 
	  sustainability of the systems introduced.
 Safeguard and enforce women's rights.  Pottier [1999] and others 
	  suggest that women often lose access to certain resources when those 
	  become profitable or receive more attention.
 Add the spouse's or partner's name to all legal documents concerning 
	  land rights, including any official register of land rights.  For 
	  transactions involving family holdings, consent should be given by the 
	  spouse or partner. This helps to prevent fraud, adds security for the 
	  woman beyond family or legislative recognition (e.g., matrimonial laws), 
	  and helps to ensure that both partners understand what their rights are.
 Propose alternative ownership models.  There are instances where 
	  combining individual, common, public or group ownership may provide a 
	  better solution for women or groups of women to secure or extend their 
	  existing rights. Under customary regimes women have use rights to their 
	  male relatives land. During privatization programmes they can easily lose 
	  these rights if the land is titled under the name of the male relative 
	  without giving consideration to women's overlapping use rights. Identify 
	  joint ownership interests during registration where applicable.
 Establish land administration institutions that are responsive and 
	  accommodating to women as well as men.  Efficient, decentralized land 
	  administration agencies are better able to serve the community. 
	  Participatory methodologies and decision-making structures can provide 
	  opportunities for inclusion.
 Simplify registration procedures.  Women, especially poor women 
	  and female heads of households are often unable to comply with excessive 
	  documentation requirements. They are also unlikely to represent their 
	  interests effectively and in a timely manner required in procedures 
	  designed with a bias toward the more affluent segments of society.
 Support women in land administration organizations.  In major 
	  internationally funded projects, women employees often do not have the 
	  same access to opportunities on the project. Yet these women may be able 
	  to help foreign project members and recipient organization staff to better 
	  understand the issues related to women's access to land locally. They may 
	  also be a communication bridge to the community's women. Projects can also 
	  enhance women's sustained participation in a land project through 
	  education and training. The Swedish International Development Agency, for 
	  example, has required that 50% of all participants in cadastral training 
	  and education projects abroad be women.
 Consider that women have limited access to financial resources.  
	  Any procedures requiring financial compensation should be carefully 
	  examined not to present an additional burden for women and exclude them 
	  from the benefits of the project. Where financial support is available to 
	  subsidize administrative costs, women with insufficient means should 
	  receive priority during fund distribution.
 Ensure effective access through other support.  Providing equity 
	  is not enough. To be effective, access to land must also include access to 
	  other resources (such as financing, technology, and training) and to 
	  required support systems (e.g., water, roads, marketing co-operatives). 
	  Without these resources and support, the projects may leave nothing but 
	  paper titles behind.
 Share awareness of the issues and their complexity. Just being aware 
	  that there may be some potential issues is a long step forward.  This 
	  will help project managers, task managers, and other participants in 
	  policy formation or project design understand that they need to be 
	  sensitive to potential impacts. Awareness of the complications in what may 
	  have seemed to be a straight forward surveying project, may help 
	  professionals decide whether or not people with specialized expertise may 
	  be necessary. It is also important that surveyors share this awareness 
	  with their staff and others involved in the projects.
 Document lessons learned and best practices.  Obtaining relevant 
	  and reliable information regarding the situation of women is often 
	  difficult. For that reason, sharing information and experiences within the 
	  surveying community has enormous significance.
 
      Be aware of women's daily schedules. Plan meetings and information 
	  sessions during that part of the day when women are able to attend. 
	  Accommodate women's request in terms of timing and location. Women are 
	  seldom able to visit geographically remote areas for the purpose of 
	  attending meetings.Disseminate information in a way that is comprehensible by women. 
	  It should be taken into consideration that the illiteracy rate is much 
	  higher among women than men. Adoption of training and advisory materials 
	  for the non-literate population is essential. Employ those forms of media 
	  that reach women in rural areas and in poorer districts of cities.
Explain the rights and obligations associated with holding title to 
	  land. Women should feel comfortable about being title holders. They 
	  should understand the rights, responsibilities and opportunities granting 
	  title to land carries and the potential changes and consequences this may 
	  bring in terms of their status (i.e. fees to be paid during transaction, 
	  possible tension with male relatives, etc.)
Discuss the meanings of land administration terms with women.
        For instance, women's understanding of the term security of tenure or 
	  ownership can be greatly different from what men think. This should be 
	  within a non-threatening environment where women are not afraid to ask 
	  questions.
Consult those women directly who will be affected by the program 
	  outcomes. More and more accurate information can be gathered as to the 
	  priorities and interests of women when they are asked directly.
Ensure that there is a two-way communication mechanism in place 
	  between women and surveyors. Women's experience and knowledge should 
	  be part of the initial community assessment. Facts pertinent to the 
	  project should be communicated to women by development professionals and 
	  women must have opportunity to voice their concerns without being 
	  intimidated. Religious and customary laws governing the interactions 
	  between women and "outsiders" must be understood before the project, be 
	  adhered to, and worked around (e.g., by employing women to conduct the 
	  interaction).
Include women among surveying professionals working with local 
	  communities. Female professionals might be able to establish 
	  connection with women's groups in communities where religious or cultural 
	  customs prohibit social contact between the sexes or when women are not 
	  allowed to speak publicly in the presence of their husbands. It is however 
	  equally important that female professionals responsible for these tasks 
	  have a good understanding of the gender dimensions of the project, the 
	  local situation and are willing and able to undertake these assignments.
Support women's membership in land management bodies at all levels: 
	  from national to local levels and also in formal as well as in informal 
	  bodies. Analyze decision-making patterns within domestic units. It is 
	often the male head of the domestic unit who is viewed as the decision maker 
	and it may be so. Research has shown that the male decision maker does not 
	necessarily represent the interest of the women and children in the domestic 
	unit. Receiving independent input from women is essential when a project may 
	affect their well-being.
 Recognize the different needs of different women. All women are 
	not equal. Women who are economically in a better position have different 
	interests than poor women, and their participation and input do not replace 
	poor women's participation and input. Instead, it represents another 
	segment. Special attention need to be given to the situation of divorcees, 
	female heads of households and widows.
 
      Identify rural institutions in charge of the implementation of 
	  customary rules. One of the important elements in the project or 
	  programme may be an interdisciplinary approach. Surveyors are not 
	  sociologists or anthropologist, nor micro finance experts. Part of any 
	  successful project is knowing when to bring in the experts.
Oversee the legitimacy of women's land claims. Women's access 
	  to resources can only be sustainable if it is viewed by the community - 
	  both men and women - as legitimate. Projects should strive to allocate 
	  resources equitably and strive to ensure acceptance by the members of the 
	  community.
Investigate what rights - in what areas (inheritance, divorce, 
	  property rights, family law etc.) are upheld in the event of 
	  controversy between written and customary laws. Once again experts 
	  (lawyers and others) can provide project managers with a better 
	  understanding of the issues, the status of the law, and any 
	  contradictions.
Acknowledge when there is a problem regarding women's unequal 
	  access to land and associated resources. Women's lack of access or 
	  insecure access to housing and productive resources are not always 
	  transparent and customary tenure systems vary from place to place and even 
	  in time as the social and economic fabric of rural communities are subject 
	  to transformation and modernization. Bringing the issue to the attention 
	  of appropriate authorities may not always be popular but may be considered 
	  part of a surveyor's code of ethics. Providing secure and effective access to land for women 
	can benefit families, communities, and nations through, for example: 
      increased economic opportunities;increased investment in land and food production;improved family security during economic and social transitions; andbetter land stewardship. However, these benefits can only be fully realised if the 
	strategies adopted for improving women's access to land work in practice and 
	if decision-makers and project teams are aware of those strategies that do 
	and do not work. They need to know about the quality and distribution of 
	rights in land, the economic and cultural impediments that limit women's 
	effective and secure access to land, and the benefits that can be achieved 
	by enhancing women's access. They also need to know what options for 
	improving equitable access to land exist and be able to evaluate the full 
	range of implications of these options. Surveyors have an impact on land tenure systems 
	worldwide. This implies that the profession also has a special 
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